This research paper examines the legal jurisprudence built on issues related to defamation's constitutionality. As a result, it provides a thorough examination of the law's origins as well as the current category of defamation law in India. In addition, the study paper evaluates the Supreme Court's Subramanian Swamy and R. Rajagopal decisions on the constitutionality of criminal and civil defamation, respectively.
It is argued that the standard of rationality is not properly applied in the Subramanian Swamy case. Finally, the paper concludes that courts should exercise caution if limits are placed on the right to freedom of expression, as well as the issues that the media face as a result of bad legislation.
The main goal of balancing should be to allow people to exercise their right to free speech and expression without jeopardizing their public image. The Court has also held that in determining the reasonableness of limitations, the Court has full authority to consider matters of common report, historical context, common knowledge, and the circumstances that existed at the time of legislation.
Introduction
Defamation means injury or damage to the reputation of an individual. The term defamation has been derived from the Latin word diffamare which means circulating or spreading information about an individual which could harm the reputation of the person. Therefore, Defamation is nothing but causing injury to one's reputation. Defamation is both a civil and a criminal offence. The criminal law of defamation is codified, but the civil law of defamation is not. In civil law, defamation is covered by tort law, but in criminal law, it is covered by Sections 499 to 502 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860[1].
According to Section 500 of the IPC[2], defamation is punishable by up to two years in jail or a fine. Defamation cases have been on the rise in India over the last few years. On frivolous grounds, government leaders file defamation lawsuits against each other, followed by cross-defamation lawsuits. A host of cases have been filed against politicians such as Arvind Kejriwal, Rahul Gandhi, and Smriti Irani. This has sparked debate in the media, highlighting the need to revisit India's defamation laws.
Several deliberate false statements, either written or spoken, that jeopardize a person's standing; reduce respect, regard, or trust in a person; or elicit disapproving, aggressive, or disagreeable opinions or feelings toward a person.
The offence is non cognizable[6] and bailable, according to the Criminal Procedure Code, which sets out the procedural elements of the law. Many convicted of the crime would normally not be taken into custody without a warrant, because an aggrieved party would not be able to immediately file a criminal report, but would instead have to file a complaint with a judge in most cases.
While "fact" is commonly considered to be a defence to defamation as a civil offence, only truth is a defence to defamation as a crime (assuming, of course, that it is demonstrably true) in a limited number of circumstances under criminal law. This can make people especially vulnerable to being charged with defamation under the IPC, even though the imputations they made were true.
Furthermore, if a defamation suit is filed and defamation is found to have occurred, damages will be awarded to the plaintiff (usually, the person defamed). Furthermore, an individual who is concerned about being defamed in a publication may request an injunction to stop the publication. Prepublication injunctions, on the other hand, are seldom issued because Indian courts have continued to obey the theory set out in the 1891 case of Bonnard v. Perryman:
The Court has the authority to enjoin the publishing of a libel by an injunction or even an interlocutory injunction. However, since the exercise of the jurisdiction is discretionary, an interlocutory injunction may be issued only in the clearest cases:
cases in which the Court would set aside the verdict as unfair if a jury did not find the matter complained of to be libelous. When the Defendant swears that he will be able to explain the libel, and the Court is not convinced that he will, an interlocutory injunction should not be issued.
In the 2002 case of Khushwant Singh v. Maneka Gandhi[7], a division bench of the Delhi High Court applied this theory. As a result, even though there is a suspicion that the material is defamatory, it is unlikely that publication will be halted unless there are extraordinary circumstances — obviously, those under which the later payment of damages will simply not be sufficient to make up for the wrong done to the individual defamed.
In non-exceptional cases, Indian courts have tended to support free expression and have not granted injunctions that would have the effect of stifling speech on the basis of potential defamation. It's worth noting that the Rajiv Gandhi government drafted a defamation bill to deal with the law around defamation. Due to strong criticism from the media and opposition parties over its punitive provisions, the Defamation Bill, 1988 was withdrawn.
The court rules out the application of the concept of noscitur a socii by stating that defamation has its own identity and cannot be reduced to a narrow definition. In Dilipkumar Raghavendranath Nadkarni[9], Mehmood Nayyar[10], and Umesh Kumar[11], it was argued that credibility has been held to be a facet of article 21 in the cases of Dilipkumar Raghavendranath Nadkarni, Mehmood Nayyar, and Umesh Kumar.
Since defamation includes tarnishing an individual's image, criminal defamation cannot be used as a public remedy. The apex court responds by stating that individuals make up the group, and that defamation law protects each individual's integrity in the eyes of the general public. Furthermore, by crime concepts, a nexus is tried to be formed whereby every crime is an injury; every public offence is indeed a private wrong, and so on. It has an effect on the person as well as the society.
The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, and Redress) Act of 2013, as well as the Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules of 2000, both enacted under the Environment (Protection) Act of 1986, govern citizens' fundamental rights in relation to other citizens. As a result, the petitioners' argument that treating defamation[12] as a criminal offence has little public interest and thus serves no common interest or collective good is without merit.
Analysis of Article 19: Freedom of Speech and Expression
One of the most important elements of a democratic democracy is the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression, which enables people to engage completely and efficiently in the country's social and political processes. Freedom of speech allows people to share their beliefs and political opinions. It eventually leads to the well-being of society and the economy. As a result, freedom of expression offers a framework by which a fair balance between peace and social change can be achieved.
In the case of State of West Bengal vs. Subodh Gopal Bose[13], the court held that the state has a duty to defend itself from such unlawful acts and, as a result, can enact laws to do so. Article 19(1) (a) gives rise to a right that is not utter and unrestricted. There cannot be any liberty that is utter in nature and unregulated in practice in order to confer an unrestricted right.
The rights and freedoms would have been synonymous with chaos and disorder if there had been no restraint. S. Rangarajan v. Jagjivan (No. 5) The Court held that the restriction should be based on the principle of least invasiveness, i.e., the restriction should be enforced in a manner and to the degree that is inevitable in a given situation.
The announcement makes it clear that there has been a chilling impact on freedom of expression. They explained that their research revealed that there is a public requirement for the loss of credibility they face, and that they decided to include public solutions for private wrongs. They have sufficient evidence to believe that the decision is a heinous assault on freedom of speech. In the interests of defamation, Article 19 (2) of the Indian Constitution stipulated fair limits on freedom of expression. 9
However, the article does not specify whether it applies to both criminal and civil defamation. Fair implies a proportionality factor in terms of the relationship between the degree to which freedom of expression has been violated and the public interest at stake. It is not required that everyone in the chorus sing the same song.
When issuing summons on a plea for the initiation of a criminal defamation lawsuit, a magistrate should exercise extreme caution. It's worth noting that in order to justify the criminal provisions, the centre spoke about how anarchical Indian culture is and how criminal defamation prevents people from exercising their right to free speech and expression. It has been deduced that the majority of those facing criminal defamation charges are politicians against their adversaries. In Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016), the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of Sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code, which deal with criminal defamation.
The applicant has an interim time frame of eight weeks in which to file an appeal, according to the supreme court. Meanwhile, other cases have surfaced, especially in political circles, such as a defamation[18] suit filed against Gogoi and the alleged arrest of Kiku Sharda. The ruling puts the case to a close, but it still raises several concerns.
For example, penal provisions are justified in a progressive economy like India, particularly in an era when reformative justice is replacing retributive justice. Aside from the nation's increasing intolerance, there is another problem that could be exacerbated as a result of this decision. In such circumstances, it is necessary to let go of inhibitions and discuss viable options. The right to respond is one such proposal in this region.
Of course, this has been discussed previously. However, because of the potential chilling impact on the individual/organization, the right to respond has only added to the skepticism. Right to respond, on the other hand, tends to be a more civilized way of dealing with a situation than jumping to conclusions, convicting, and demanding damages. This definition has been adopted by several states in the United States and other nations. Certainly, we will make use of this principle as well.
The debate has led us to the conclusion that when it comes to constitutional interpretation, the stakes are higher. It is much easier to condemn than to get into the details of a situation. Of course, constructive feedback encourages innovation and development. Nowadays, it is much easier to be dismissive rather than to get to the heart of the matter. It also cannot be overlooked that the judiciary makes every effort to provide a harmonious framework in such cases. We, too, have a duty as people, and it is past time for us to take stock of our situation.